Such is the appearance, when you regard it merely in form, without penetrating its substance; but here it is none the less offensive. The case is plain. Still among us are four million citizens robbed of all share in the government of a common country, while, at the same time, according to their means, they are taxed, directly and indirectly, for the support of the Government. Nobody will question the statement. And this bare-faced tyranny of taxation without representation it is now proposed to recognize as not inconsistent with fundamental right and the guaranty of a republican government. Instead of blasting it, you go forward to embrace it as an element of political power.
If you expect to induce the recent slave-master to confer suffrage without distinction of color, you will find the proposition a delusion and a snare. He will do no such thing. Even the bribe offered cannot tempt him. If, on the other hand, you expect to accomplish a reduction of his political power, permit me to say that success is more than doubtful, while the means employed are unworthy. Tricks and evasions are possible, and the cunning slave-master will drive his coach and six through your Amendment, stuffed with all his representatives. Should he cheat you, it will only be a proper return for the endeavor on your part to circumvent him at the expense of fellow-citizens to whom you are bound by every obligation of public faith.
I know not if others will see this uncertainty as I see it; but there are two practical consequences, having direct influence on the times, which all must discern as following at once from the adoption of the so-called Amendment. In the first place, it will be a present renunciation of all power under the Constitution to apply the remedy for a grievous wrong, when the remedy, even according to your own recent example, is actually in your hands. You have already in this Chamber, only last Friday, decreed civil rights without distinction of color.[41] Who can doubt that by the same title you may decree political rights, also, without distinction of color? But, having the power, it is your duty to exercise it. You cannot evade this duty without becoming partakers in wrong. And this brings me to the second practical consequence that must ensue from the adoption of this proposition. You hand over wards and allies, through whom the Republic has been saved, and therefore our saviours, to the control of vindictive enemies, to be taxed and governed without their own consent; and this you do for a consideration “nominated in the bond,” by virtue of which men may do a great wrong, provided they submit, as a _quid pro quo_, to a proportionate abridgment of political power. Who does not admire the Scottish patriot of whom it was said that he “would lose his life readily to _serve_ his country, but would not do a base thing to _save_ it”?[42] I hope we may act in this spirit. Above all, do not copy the example of Pontius Pilate, who surrendered the Saviour of the World, in whom he found no fault at all, to be scourged and crucified, while he set at large Barabbas, of whom the Gospel says in simple words, “Now Barabbas was a robber.”