Hoping to have the pleasure soon of expressing to you my gratitude in person, I remain, my dear Cousin, your most dutiful Cousin,
_Queen Victoria to Prince George of Cambridge._
MY DEAR GEORGE,--Many thanks for your kind letter received yesterday. I am glad to hear that you are so entirely of my opinion with respect to the political conduct of the Princes of the Royal Family who are peers, and I feel sure that your conduct will be quite in accordance with this view. With respect to your wish to be called as you have hitherto been, I do not think that this will be possible. It has never been done, besides which I think the Irish (who will be much flattered at your being called up by the title of Tipperary) would feel it as a slight if you did not wish to be called by the title you bear. All the Royal Peers have always been called by their titles in this and in other countries, and I do not think it would be possible to avoid it. Ever, etc.,
[Footnote 17: The patent was made out, but not signed, a memorandum of Prince Albert recording:--
I kept this warrant back from the Queen's signature on account of the Duke of Cambridge's illness. The Duke died yesterday evening, without a struggle, after an attack of fever which had lasted four weeks. So the summons of Prince George has never been carried out.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to report that Mr Roebuck asked him yesterday what course the Government intends to pursue after the late vote of the House of Lords.[18]
The newspapers contain the report of Lord John Russell's answer.
Mr Roebuck has proposed to move on Monday a general approbation of the Foreign Policy of the Government.
What may be the result of such a Motion it is not easy to say, but as Lord Stanley has prevailed on a majority in the House of Lords to censure the Foreign Policy of the Government, it is impossible to avoid a decision by the House of Commons on this subject.
The misfortune is that on the one side every detail of negotiation is confounded with the general principles of our Foreign Policy, and on the other a censure upon a Foreign Policy, the tendency of which has been to leave despotism and democracy to fight out their own battles, will imply in the eyes of Europe a preference for the cause of despotism, and a willingness to interfere with Russia and Austria on behalf of absolute government. The jealousy of the House of Commons would not long bear such a policy.