This story is part of Undertones, Global Voices’ Civic Media Observatory‘s newsletter. Subscribe to Undertones. Welcome back to Undertones, where we analyze media narratives from around the world. This week, Turkish researcher Sencer Odabaşi breaks down what the conversations are like on Turkish Twitter following the reelection of President Erdoğan. Some of the most vivid reactions are aimed at LGBTQ+ groups. On June 25, LGBTQ+ groups and individuals will march through the streets of Istanbul, Turkey, fully aware that they may encounter police violence. Sencer Odabaşi explained to me that “everyone knows they will go outside and that they will get attacked. But for them, it is a statement to still go out and not allow violence to be normalized.” June holds historical significance for pride events in Turkey. Once home to the largest pride marches in the Muslim world, Istanbul saw these celebrations banned in 2016. And as Erdoğan secured victory in Turkey's presidential elections for the third consecutive time, the stakes in 2023 are higher. Many Turkish citizens are wary of how authoritarian narratives saw a quick uptick since Erdoğan’s reelection, but also seek other venues to exercise democracy. This narrative in a nutshell: “Erdoğan thinks he can do whatever he wants now that he won again” A significant portion of Turkish citizens (47.86 percent of the electorate, as indicated by the ballots cast for Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, Erdoğan's opponent) who wanted a change in leadership was sorely disappointed. Their cautiously optimistic atmosphere was shattered after the first round on May 14, and subsequent results only reinforced their concerns. Many now find their fears about Erdoğan and his allies validated. During his victory speech, Erdoğan targeted LGBTQ+ people and the opposition, instead of his usual more unifying tone. “Erdoğan's terms have traditionally started out relatively softer and progressively became more aggressive, peaking during the election campaigns,” Odabaşi wrote in our database. “Directly attacking the opposition from basically day one points towards a new strategy”. : “Those who wanted to watch the movie Pride were detained!” Twitter KaosGL, one of Turkey's oldest and biggest LGBTQ+ rights NGOs. KaosGL tweets about a police raid on BEKSAV, an İstanbul based culture and art foundation, after they refused to comply with the governor's ban on publicly screening the 2014 British movie “Pride.” On June 7, as part of their Pride month calendar, BEKSAV announced their plan to organize a screening of the film “Pride.” However, Governor Muhittin Pamuk, appointed by Ankara, issued a ban on the screening. Despite the ban, BEKSAV declared that they would not acknowledge it and invited everyone to attend the screening. The police forcefully intervened and detained several organizers from BEKSAV, who were later released. BEKSAV’s stand inspired other similar groups to also screen films that day. There is no subtext +3, the highest positive score on our scorecard. Coverage of the attack on BEKSAV has a positive civic impact because it is important not to normalize authoritarian pressures by the AKP. 491, 494, 496, 518 This narrative in a nutshell: “Voting is not enough; we need to organize” The opposition widely acknowledges that Turkish elections lack fairness due to various factors, such as the suppression of the free press, the misuse of state resources for campaigning purposes, and the government's control over the supreme electoral council. These measures make people doubt the legitimacy of Turkey's electoral process. Still, the main opposition party, the Republican People's Party (commonly known as CHP), always pointed to the ballot box as the democratic solution and discouraged citizens from protesting. Many now feel let down by this approach, and by the CHP. As a result, a narrative has emerged urging individuals to participate in NGOs (such as LGBTQ+ groups), informal associations, unions, neighborhood solidarity groups, and political parties instead of relying solely on voting every five years. Some groups, such as the Workers’ Party of Turkey as well as other parties and NGOs, have confirmed to Odabaşi that there has been an uptick in registrations since the elections. This narrative puts into question what democracy means. “Whether this represents a fundamental change in the Turkish political landscape or if it is just an emotional reaction to the unexpected results that will have a short lifespan, time will tell,” Sencer Odabaşi wrote on the database.