Flags of different ethnic nationalities of Myanmar during an anti-coup protest march in Yangon. Used with permission. This article originally appeared on the blog of a Global Voices contributor who doesn't wish to be identified. It is published here as a three-part series. Much of the energy behind the protests taking place in Myanmar since the military coup on February 1, 2021, has been provided by young people—members of so-called Generation Z—who have harnessed their creativity, tech skills, and determination to push back against military rule. The protests have also been highly inclusive, welcoming people representing a diversity of professions and identities, including people from a range of religious faiths and from the LGBTQ community. Civilians have supported protesters by providing food, drink, printed placards, and transportation. Others have contributed by cleaning up the streets during and after protests to help maintain the protesters’ good image. On February 11, the General Strike Committee of All Nationalities (GSCN) emerged, uniting 27 of Myanmar's ethnic nationalities—an extraordinary show of unity against a common enemy. GSCN sent out a strong message in favor of federal democracy and the abolition of the 2008 Constitution drafted by the previous military junta. Ethnic activists call on the people to join the protest tomorrow ✊To end dictatorship ✊To abolish 2008 constitution ✊To establish a Federal Democratic Union of Burma ✊To demand the release of all political prisoners #WhatshappeninginMyanmar #MilkTeaAlliance #GSCN pic.twitter.com/SUI10mxitd — Zoya Phan (@zoyaphan) February 27, 2021 In uniting people across ethnic lines, the anti-coup protests have even prompted some to rethink their stance on the embattled Rohingya. The Rohingya, a minority Muslim ethnic group living in the western border area of Myanmar, have long been oppressed by the military and are not recognized citizens by the government of Myanmar. We, #Rohingya completely understand your pain. Together we will win this fight. We all are with you to get rid of military regime from #Myanmar. Our common enemy is #MinAungHlaing. #Feb28Coup #myanmarmilitarycoup #MilkTeaAllianceMyanmar #WhatsHappeningInMyanmar pic.twitter.com/fohhxIEAgd — Tun Khin (@tunkhin80) February 28, 2021 Many Rohingya youth have joined the fight against the dictatorship. The protesters have employed a number of creative campaign methods. On February 18, young protesters in Yangon walked back and forth over pedestrian crossings after police told them not to block the roads. The tactic designed to mock the words of a military spokesperson who had said two days earlier that the coup had been carried out lawfully. The protesters, in response, crossed the streets again and again in ‘lawful’ fashion to block the flow of traffic. People have used any means they can think of to fight against the dictatorship. This includes the use of cursing rituals based on folk beliefs in cities like Bagan, Pathein, Yangon and Kyaukse; the emblazoning of messages such as “We want democracy” in large letters on city streets across Myanmar; the projection of protest imagery on building walls at night; graffiti; and prayer sessions on the streets by Buddhists, Muslims and Christians. The anti-coup movement also issued a call to boycott military-owned businesses and their products. A mobile app called “Way Way Nay” (Stay Away) is one of several digital platforms compiling information on businesses with links to the military. Military-owned telecommunications provider MyTel's earnings were reportedly down two weeks after the coup, as were those of Myanmar Beer. Whistleblower organization Justice for Myanmar leaked secret documents from the military-owned Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL) detailing allegedly illegal money that was channeled to the military. Taking place alongside the boycotts is public shaming of supporters of the military council. Since the second week of February, many vendors in different cities have posted signs indicating their refusal to sell to military and police families; some even refuse to sell to civil servants who did not join the civil disobedience movement. Conversely, some shops have offered discounts to help those participating in the CDM. Another tactic protestors have used in Yangon and other cities is to stick photos and images of the coup's leader, General Min Aung Hlaing, on the ground or on their shields as a way to discourage soldiers from advancing—stepping on or assaulting even an image of their leader would be considered a sign of disrespect in Myanmar culture. But the fight has not just been on the streets—“keyboard fighters” have been working online to attract international attention and keep the protesters engaged.