I will with their approbation, concert with the Superintendent of Finance, the means of supplying our Ministers, Agents, and Secretaries. But to facilitate these means, and convince the powers to whom we are indebted for money, that we know the value of their aids, I would humbly submit to Congress the propriety of practising the strictest economy, as far as it may be consistent with their honor, and the justice due to those they employ. That Congress may determine the more readily whether their establishment will admit of any reduction, or devise the most effectual means of defraying the expense of it, I take the liberty to lay before them the annual amount of the salaries of their servants now abroad.
If I am well informed, it is usual to distinguish the allowances to Ministers by the expenses of the country in which they live, and the character they are obliged to support. Such a rule would be productive of great saving to us, whose policy it is to have agents without any acknowledged public characters, at Courts which refuse to receive our Ministers. How far so important a station as that of Secretary to an Embassy might be supplied by private secretaries with moderate salaries, at least till the existence of the Embassy was acknowledged, must be submitted to the wisdom of Congress. Certain it is, that foreigners who may not be acquainted with the dignified characters of those we employ abroad as secretaries, will be surprised to find their emoluments equal, if not exceeding those allowed by the richest potentates in Europe, and that too, when the great object of the mission is to represent our wants, and solicit supplies for civil and military establishments at home.
Perhaps, too, from the ground on which the successful issue of this campaign has placed us, Congress may see it improper to solicit Courts, who are so little disposed to serve us as those of Petersburg and Lisbon, or to expend additional sums of money on agencies to Russia or Portugal.
Another part of the despatches referred to me, are those that relate to John Temple, to which Congress alone are competent to give directions. The reports currently circulated in England relative to his first mission, his coming by way of New York, his return to England, his abode there, his present visit to America, render him an object of attention, not only to the people of this country, but to those of Europe, and give weight to those suspicions of attachment to England, which, as it is her policy to keep up, it should be ours on every occasion to discourage. Congress will judge how far it is proper to suggest any measures to the State of Massachusetts. I take the liberty to submit to them, whether at least it would not be expedient to adopt such resolutions as would leave the Executive of that State uninfluenced in their conduct towards him, by his being the bearer of public despatches. Congress will observe, that I have no personal acquaintance with Mr Temple, nor any knowledge of facts, which would lead me to suspect his principles, other than the matters, which are above stated and publicly known.