[103] _Supra_, pp. 68-69. _Cf._ also _Proceedings, First I. W. W. Convention_, p. 80.
[105] _Proceedings, First I. W. W. Convention_, p. 6. According to St. John this provision was drawn up on account of the fact that "all who were present as delegates were not there in good faith. Knowledge of this fact caused the signers of the Manifesto to constitute themselves a temporary committee on credentials."--_I. W. W., History, Structure and Methods_, revised 1917 edition, p. 3.
[106] The figures here given are those cited by William D. Haywood (_Proceedings, First I. W. W. Convention_, p. 204), but _cf._ St. John (_The I. W. W., History, etc._, pp. 3, 4), whose figures are somewhat lower. Among the "individual" delegates were "Mother" Mary Jones, A. M. Simons, Eugene V. Debs, and Robert Rives LaMonte. It was assumed that individual delegates were in duty bound to become a part of the revolutionary organization. (_Proceedings, First I. W. W. Convention_, p. 54.)
[107] The United Brotherhood of Railway Employees was at that time an integral part of the A. L. U., so that its membership must be deducted from the total. This represents nominal membership only. Hillquit (_History of Socialism in the United States_, rev. ed., p. 336), reports the A. L. U. as having only seven delegates, whereas there were ten besides the nineteen of the U. B. R. E., which are of course not included in his estimate. _Cf. Proceedings, First I. W. W. Convention_, pp. 610-611.
[108] According to its opponents, 600. _Cf._ Hillquit, _History of Socialism in the United States_, rev. ed., p. 337.
[109] _Cf. supra_, p. 71, note 3. The installment vote at the first convention records twelve organizations as voting in the affirmative (for list see _Proceedings, First Convention_, p. 614, and Brissenden, _Launching of the I. W. W._, p. 43). St. John (_I. W. W. History, etc._, p. 4) mentions but seven. H. Richter says that eleven organizations were installed by their delegates: "The I. W. W.: Retrospect and Prospects," _Industrial Union News_, January, 1912. p. 1, col. 3.
[110] "Coffin society," a term used in derision of a common tendency of trade-unions to place the emphasis on sick and death benefits, _etc._