The Reactionary Mind: Conservatism from Edmund Burke to Sarah Palin is a 2011 book written by political theorist Corey Robin. It argues that conservatism from the 17th century to today is based on the principle "that some are fit, and thus ought, to rule others". Robin argues that rather than being about liberty, limited government, resistance to change, or public virtue, conservatism is a "mode of counterrevolutionary practice" to preserve hierarchy and power.
Overview
The book begins by defining conservatism as an attempt to preserve hierarchy in the wake of a democratic movement. One example of this 19th-century slogan is given:
Robin goes through the history of conservatism starting with Edmund Burke and argues that traditional definitions of conservatism as an attempt to preserve some kind of tradition are inadequate. He cites passages from Burke and Joseph de Maistre which criticize the old order for being decadent and needing to be recreated. Thomas Hobbes's social contract is given as a conservative solution to a new order which is able to preserve itself under threat.
Robin argues that in the modern era conservatives are often more concerned about preserving power in the private sphere, which finds struggles against causes such as labor movements and feminism.
Reaction and controversy
The New York Times called it "a diatribe that preaches to the converted" while blogs such as Crooked Timber (a blog Robin contributes to) have defended it. The New Republic gave a lukewarm review, saying that "Robin's arguments deserve widespread attention. But they [sic] way he has presented them almost ensures that they will not get it". Mark Lilla criticized Robin's argument, arguing that Robin's definition of conservatism "can be reduced to this: 'those who react against movements of the left' react against movements of the left – which is a tautology, not an argument" and that one needs to "distinguish between conservatism, which is informed by a view of human nature; reaction, which is informed by a view of history; and the right, which is a shifting, engaged ideological family". Lilla maintains that Robin fails to engage with conservative principles or even accept their existence, instead simply dismissing them as "improvisations" for defending hierarchy and privilege by a vast cast of heterogenous individuals. Gerald Russello argues that progressives have had a questionable record on defending the oppressed, as well as connections to privilege. Russello also argues that Robin's individual chapters make poor arguments, arguing that Ayn Rand is not taken seriously by most conservatives but Robin places great emphasis on her, while Robin also ignores things such as Paul Gottfried's view that neo-conservatism's imperialist arguments were imported from the left-wing rather than conservatism, as well as the fact that Robin ignores conservative critics of the War on Terror and the PATRIOT Act. Russello thus argues that the book lacks nuance and is reduced to an "anguished cry of a Left that cannot understand how any reasonable person could be conservative and so seeks only the darkest motives."
Alex Gourevitch praised Robin for attempting to develop a comprehensive understanding of conservatism and for trying to examine conservative ideas rather than dismissing them outright. He also praised Robin for examining how conservatism can learn from the political left. However, Goutrevitch also criticised Robin, arguing that Robin dismissed important differences between different branches of conservatism, as well as similarities between the political left and right, which Gourevitch felt hurt Robin's thesis. He also questioned if conservatives actually intended to defend hierarchies or if these are simply a consequence of conservative ideals, observing examples such as libertarianism, which often results in hierarchies, yet libertarians regard themselves as defending freedom and opposing domination while viewing leftists as introducing their own forms of domination. Jacob Segal praised Robin's effort and research but does not believe Robin succeeds in proving his thesis that conservatism is the defence of privilege from threats from below and that it is not clear that this is the common connection between a vast array of conservative thinkers and individuals.